Gerard Jones
Battle-Zord Nu-Nu meets Power Ranger Po
Play fighting with material from the electronic
toy box TV
Adults are often concerned about violence
and violent media heroes in children's role play. But seen from
the children's perspective, play fighting is not automatically to
be equated with real aggression.
When we consider children in relation
to mass media we tend to define them as consumers, watchers, recipients,
or victims. But they are also users of that media: choosers, interpreters,
shapers, fellow players, participants, and storytellers. Every story
of a superhero or a monster or an angry rapper resonates with the
personal stories of its audience. And every one becomes a different
story depending on the viewer, the listener, the player. A child chooses
a particular movie or TV show because his or her unique story has
led that child there. And he or she weaves a new, personal narrative
out of the fantasy and play it inspires.
No one has taught me more about this than my son. When Nicky was five
years old, and anxious about the imminent end of preschool and the
beginning of kindergarten, I tried to bring him the stories that had
meant so much to me at similar developmental junctures: first Beowulf,
my own favourite in the months before kindergarten; then the Grimm's
fairy tales, the Greek myths, the Dr. Dolittle novels. He didn't want
any of them. He wanted Mighty Morphin' Power Rangers.
I don't think I enjoyed watching Power Rangers episodes quite as much
as my mother enjoyed reading Beowulf to me. I liked the goofy rubber
monsters, but the road to their scenes lay through the most agonizing
stretches of Saturday morning teen banter. Nicky, however, loved every
minute of them, and I loved watching him love them. Every commercial
break he'd be running, morphing, punching, kicking, knocking fearsome
monsters (usually me) to the ground - with a confidence in his body
and a decisiveness in his movements I'd rarely seen in him. I could
see his excitement driving the anxiety out of him.
Foto: Der Kinderkanal ARD/ZDF |
Then he found a new fantasy:
Teletubbies. That show was just then invading America and finding
an audience not only among toddlers and ironic adults but also
among countless five- and six-year-olds discovering the regressive
comforts of cute baby talk and cuddly hijinx in an underground
burrow. Suddenly Nicky and his friends were waddling into group
hugs and squealing, "Eh-oh, LaLa" and "Where
Po 'cootah?". This, I thought, must surely be the end of
the Power Rangers. But not for Nicky. When he wasn't turning
into Po and asking for a hug, he'd be morphing into the Red
Ranger and blasting a monster. My wife noticed that he seemed
to become a Ranger when he felt more sure of himself, a Tubby
when he felt a little shaky and needed more nurturing. As the
end of preschool drew near, those two contradictory fantasies
grew to fill more and more of his playtime. |
One morning I woke him up, and as we walked to the bathroom he said,
"I want to see more of the Battle Show." "What's the
Battle Show?" I asked. He looked at me confusedly. "We were
just watching it!" he said. Then he realized: "It was a
dream!" I asked him what it was like, and he laughed and told
me: "The Teletubbies were playing on the grass in Tubbyland with
their toys. Then these monsters were getting into Tubbyland. They
looked kind of like Tyrannosauruses but they were destroying the flowers
and windmill things and they were going to destroy the Tubbies' house.
So Po touched something on his wrist and suddenly he morphed into
the Red Ranger! Then the other Tubbies turned into Power Rangers.
Only they were their own colours, so there was a purple Ranger because
of Tinky-Winky instead of a Blue Ranger or Pink Ranger. They fought
the monsters and knocked them all the way out of Tubbyland, and then
they morphed back into the Teletubbies!"
I asked him to draw pictures
of it, but he wanted to play-act it instead, and Tubby Rangers
quickly became his favourite game. He took it to preschool,
where he and his friends added new details: the Tubbies' underground
home could rocket into space; the Nu-Nu, their vacuum cleaner
with eyeballs, could morph into a Battle-Zord; the television
on their tummies would alert them to approaching danger.
Nicky had chosen stories that embraced the extremes of his fantasy
life, the most aggressive and the gentlest. Then he'd remade
them into what he needed them to be. Now he could be as powerful
and fearless as he wanted but not sacrifice his need to be comforted
and protected. Red Ranger Po united the most destructive and
most nurturing powers in one happy self. |
Foto: RTL |
Different Eyes
It's easy to fall into the trap of thinking
that young people emulate literally what they see in entertainment:
that if they like a TV hero who defeats villainy with his fists,
then they must be learning to solve problems with violence. There
is some truth in that. One of the functions of stories and games
is to help children rehearse for what they'll be in later life.
But anthropologists and psychologists who study play have shown
that there are many other functions as well - one of which is to
enable children to pretend to be just what they know they'll never
be. Exploring, in a safe and controlled context, what is impossible
or too dangerous or forbidden to them is a crucial tool in accepting
the limits of reality. Playing with aggression is a valuable way
to reduce its power. Being savage and destructive in imagination
is a vital compensation for the wildness we all have to surrender
on our way to being good people.
In focusing so intently on the literal, we overlook the emotional
power of stories and images. The most peaceful, empathetic, conscientious
children are often excited by the most aggressive entertainment.
Young people who reject violence, guns, and bigotry in every form
can sift through the literal contents of a TV show, movie, or game
and still embrace the emotional power at its heart. Children need
to feel strong. They need to feel powerful in the face of a scary,
uncontrollable world. Superheroes, video-game warriors, rappers,
and movie gunmen are symbols of strength. By choosing the symbols
that speak to them at different developmental junctures, by working
their symbolic power into their own values and self-images, young
people add to their own senses of strength.
Adults, however, often react to violent images very differently,
and in the gap between juvenile and adult reactions some of our
greatest misunderstandings and disputes are born. Soon after the
terrorist attacks of September 2001, many toy retailers reported
sharp increases of sales of action figures and G.I. Joes. But some
of those retailers also began pulling such toys from the shelves,
largely in response to parents' request. Newspaper stories reported
that many parents were forbidding violent toys and entertainment
in their homes as a reaction to the tragedy. One mother reported
that she'd hidden her son's toy soldiers in the closet because,
"It's bad enough that they see the Army in the airport."
Many of us worried about how we would help children deal with the
terror of September 11, but when I went into the classrooms to conduct
my Art and Story Workshops, I found that the children were far less
shaken than their parents and teachers. (Many others found the same:
a RAND Center study subsequently revealed that during the week after
the attacks, 90 percent of people over eighteen years old suffered
stress reactions while only 35 percent of those five through seventeen
did so. ) Most of the students I worked with talked about the horrific
images they'd seen with a mixture of anger and excitement - a lot
of them wanted to tell stories, draw pictures, or play games involving
planes destroying buildings or soldiers fighting terrorists. And
yet, this was San Francisco. These kids came mostly from politically
progressive, anti-war families. When their teachers later polled
the students on how they thought the United States should respond
to the terrorism, these same kids voted overwhelmingly against a
military response.
There is no contradiction here, and no failure to respond appropriately
to tragedy. Play is how children deal with what troubles them. Stories
are ways to give a controllable shape to pain and anxiety. Adults
are generally more empathetic, more attuned to the greater world,
and more literalistic than children. We are more likely to feel
the pain and anxiety of real violence when we see it in make-believe.
It troubles us to see our children having fun with something that
we deplore. We fear that they are celebrating our affirming a reality
that we desperately want to banish from reality. We want to mirror
our adult restraint, seriousness, compassion, and pacifism. But
they can't - and shouldn't - mimic adult reactions. Play, fantasy,
and emotional imagination are essential tools of the work of childhood
and adolescence.
Little monsters
One of the most common concerns raised by
parents and teachers about aggressive entertainment is that it inspires
children to play-fighting and more rambunctious behaviour. Hardly
anyone who's raised or worked with kids can deny the charge, and
the research supports it: In fact, most of the statistical research
linking violent television to more aggressive behaviour, which has
so dominated our discussion of children's television for decades,
has concerned itself not with genuinely hurtful or antisocial behaviour
but with mock-aggressive play. The seminal, and most imitated, laboratory
study on children and violent television, conducted by Albert Bandura
and his associates in 1963, suggested that preschoolers who watch
an inflatable clown being punched on television are subsequently
more likely to take joyful punches at an inflatable clown themselves.
What is too often left out of the discussion, however, is this question:
Is it a bad thing to inspire play fighting?
The child and adolescent psychiatrist Lenore Terr has identified
several benefits of mock aggression: "Play fighting helps kids
learn their own strength and how to control it. It helps them learn
limits and how to observe them. It helps them function confidently
in the world - they learn how to handle moderate pain and forgive
friends for accidental hurts. It helps them practice being resilient
in the face of the real that they're inevitably going to encounter
down the road - from schoolmates to unfair teachers, competitive
co-workers, road rage. [It] expresses sexual and aggressive feelings,
hopes, and terrible frustrations with past or present realities."
Terr has demonstrated how make-believe violence enables children
to manage and defuse their feelings by displacing what they want
or fear; a child who wants to punish his parents feels safer pounding
on monsters as a Power Ranger. Games involving chasing, pillow fighting,
squirt guns, toy guns, and sword fighting help kids learn how to
judge dangers and take appropriate risks. Jumping into those dangers
and coming out unhurt helps them learn the difference between fantasy
and reality. Wrestling, roughhousing, pretending to kill ones' friends
and family, and all sorts of pretended savagery lift children out
of shyness and knock down barriers to closeness. Terr has also suggested
that if girls are more encouraged to express their aggressive feelings
early through play and fantasy than they have been traditionally,
they may be less likely to channel their aggression into hurtful
social and verbal conflict later.
Unfortunately, no other kind of play raises the anxieties of contemporary,
educated adults as much as mock violence. More and more schools
forbid children from engaging in any kind of pretend aggression
- and often discourage them even from telling stories involving
physical conflict. Many parents try to maintain the same prohibition
in the home, or at least greet their children's aggressive play
with so much worry and criticism that the children feel badly constrained
against it. In such a context, then, might not the mass media be
doing children a significant favour by inspiring them to overcome
such constraints and play aggressively? Might the Bandura experiment
and its successors demonstrate not a danger but a benefit of TV
watching?
The educator Vivian Gussin Paley spent years observing the media
habits and play patterns of her kindergarten students, at the same
time working through her own distastes and discomforts about the
violent play of little boys. Television does influence childhood
play, she concluded, but in ways more salutary than distressing:
"Certainly there is a wider variety of violence pictured today
in stories and play, but not more actual fighting. The increase
in mock-aggressive fantasy may even lessen the need for real combat.
Perhaps when you pretend to fight, you don't really need to fight.
Or maybe a superhero doesn't need to prove he is powerful: his label
tells the story. A builder, confronted by a collapsed block structure,
has no such sustaining symbol of competence."
Paley also noted a remarkable instance of children taking the raw
material of television and making it something entirely their own.
Some of her students saw a TV commercial for a movie called Stir
Crazy, a prison comedy starring Richard Pryor and Gene Wilder. From
that commercial, nothing but thirty seconds of barely contextualized
slapstick snippets, they constructed whole stories and games, an
entire style of rambunctiously silly, sometimes aggressive play
that they called "stir crazy." Their characters ate gunpowder,
mashed food into their hair, "chopped off" their own skin
so "their bones stuck out," and jump around crazily after
"stirring something." All the while chanting, "Uh-huh,
uh-huh, I'm bad, I'm bad."
It was an annoying game, at least to Paley and some of the quieter
girls. But it also proved to be a helpful one, a way for the most
energetic boys to connect, create, and explore fantasies of destruction
and transgression in a safe context. And it showed that what mattered
in the kids' media consumption was not the form the creators had
intended, for little of what they played had any relation to the
original movie, but was instead the fantasy uses to which they put
the images they had plucked out.
We will understand the mass media, and their relationship to viewers'
emotional and mental lives, much better if we remember that they
are not simply sources of lessons and messages. A television show
is often far less like a curriculum or a template than a toy box.
Its greatest power, especially to a child, may not be its overt
content or its overall form at all, but the images and momentary
occurrences it tosses up for its viewers to remember, forget, or
misremember. The "meaning" of a kids' television show
may not be what anyone involved in making it intended, or what it
seems to be to the very intelligent adults who pick it apart. Its
meaning is the meaning assigned to it by the kids.
And like a toy box, the media's contents can be used in a countless
number of games. Some inspire kids to pretend to fight, just as
toy swords too. Others, like fuzzy stuffed animals, inspire them
to play at nurturing. Others are complex and malleable and suggest
many possibilities. Still others may be intended to inspire nurturing
but be used by some kids for mock aggression, or the other way around
- like the Power Rangers and the Teletubbies in Nicky's mythology.
But all are needed parts of the toy box. All are needed colours
in the spectrum of play and emotional development.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
Taken in part from Killing Monsters: Why
Children Need Fantasy, Super Heroes, and Make-Believe Violence.
New York: Basic Books, 2002
See especially Sutton-Smith, Brian, The Ambiguity of Play (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 1997).
Gauntlett, David, Moving Experiences: Understanding Television's
Influences and Effects (London: J. Libbey, 1995); Fowles, Jib, The
Case for Television Violence (Thousand Oak, Calif.: Sage, 1999).
D'Innocenzio, Anne, "Toy Firms Downplay Violence," San
Francisco Chronicle, September 28, 2001.
Schuster, Mark A. et al., "A National Survey of Stress Reactions
after the September 11, 2001 Terrorist Attacks," New England
Journal of Medicine (Boston: November 2002).
See Pelligrini, A.D. (ed.), The Future of Play Theory (Albany NY:
State University of New York Press, 1995); and Sutton-Smith, Brian,
The Psychology of Play (North Stratford, NY: Ayer, 1976).
Bandura, Albert, et al., "Imitation of Film-Mediated Aggressive
Models", Journal of Abnormal Social Psychology 3 (1963); Jonathan
L. Freedman, Media Violence and Its Effect on Aggression: Assessing
the Scientific Evidence (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002).
Quotes from an interview by the author. See also Terr, Lenore, Beyond
Love and Work: Why Adults Need to Play (New York: Scribner, 1999).
Paley, Vivian Gussin, Boys and Girls: Superheroes in the Doll Corner
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984), pp. 70-71, 108.
Paley, Boys and Girls, pp. 27-28.
THE AUTHOR
Gerard Jones is the founder of Media Power
for Children and the author of several books on popular culture.
His book in progress is Men of Tomorrow (Basic Books 2004), concerning
the history and cultural significance of superheroes. He serves
on the Advisory Board of the Massachussetts Institute of Technology's
Comparative Media Studies Program and lives in San Francisco,
CA., USA.
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